Summits

1st Summit Czechia

Following a proposal by French President Macron and discussions at the European Council on 23-24 June 2022, the EPC took shape as a Summit of Heads of State and Government. To make it coincide with its Presidency of the Council of the EU, Czechia hosted the first Summit in Prague on 6 October 2022. Initially proposed in response to Russia’s renewed invasion of Ukraine, the speed with which the first summit was organised, and its 100% invitation acceptance rate reflected high political buy-in to the initiative despite the analyst community’s perception that it was cobbled together in very little time.

 

The Prague summit was held in two parts. The first part consisted in two roundtables on peace and security in Europe and energy, climate, and the economic situation. The roundtables were followed by a plenary session in the evening when leaders gathered to sum up their days’ work. In addition to the scheduled meetings, many leaders used the summit as an opportunity for bilateral and multilateral meetings. This point was widely lauded: the first Summit allowed non-EU leaders (e.g., UK and Norway) to get facetime with each other and hold unscripted discussions with leaders of EU member states.

 

Following the Summit, President Macron indicated that the EPC could cover the following policy domains moving forward: Protection of critical infrastructure, cooperation against cyber-attacks and disinformation, strengthened regional cooperation (Black Sea, North Sea, Western Balkans), the establishment of a resilience fund for Ukraine, energy policy, and youth policy. Notably missing from his remarks, however, was the focus on migration the UK pushed for.

 

Initial scepticism expressed by EU enlargement candidates in the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe that Macron’s EPC proposal might slow progress on EU accession (even further) seemed to have been dispelled during the Summit. The EPC and the lingering presence of EU enlargement have been de-coupled and EU candidate countries have relished the opportunity to stand together with EU leaders on equal footing while (re-)stating their respective foreign policy priorities.

 

Still unclear, however, is the purpose the EPC should serve beyond the 44-strong Leaders-level photo opportunity – if any. Should there be an ambition to produce Summit statements declaring what brings the 44 together? How might the EPC function in the future if, as commonly understood, there are no current plans to establish a Secretariat? Might the focus eventually shift to concrete projects and, if so, is a high-level platform for political dialogue absolutely necessary? In the spirit of transparency, how should national governments taking part be best held to account for discussions? And lastly, what role might the EU play moving forward, considering significant financial resources it brings to the table and its political clout?

2nd Summit Moldova

Boosted by the presence of Ukrainian President Zelenskyy, European leaders united once again under the auspices of the EPC on 1 June 2023 in Bulboaca, Moldova. Although San Marino and Turkey’s delegations dropped out at the last minute, the latter supposedly due to newly re-elected President Erdoğan’s political manoeuvring to form a government, the Summit was hailed a success once again for the strong unity on show in the face of Russia’s senseless war in Ukraine.

 

True to its informal, unscripted format, discussions revolved around the priorities of the day. This time, energy, climate, and the economic situation took more of a backseat to issues of security and peace and the EU enlargement agenda of Moldova and Ukraine in particular. Blowing against the political winds that have pushed to open borders to Ukrainian refugees rather than close them to those fleeing conflict and economic crisis in the Global South, the UK played an inconsequential role by signaling where it thought the EPC could present value-added: migration.

 

The results of the second EPC Summit were again of mixed nature: high-level political statements, concrete deliverables (e.g., France agreeing to train Ukrainian jet pilots), and political dialogue on both Nagorno-Karabakh (as in the 1st Summit) and between Serbia and Kosovo. Of note were a series of measures the EU announced in support of Moldova in the run-up and on the sidelines of the Summit: sanctions against nefarious Moldovan individuals on Putin’s payroll, the delivery of non-lethal military equipment via the European Peace Facility, and more affordable cellular roaming costs between Moldova and the EU.

 

In view of the next Summit in Granada under a Spanish Government that has yet to be voted in, Heads of State and Government must seriously consider what direction they believe the EPC is moving in. If, as seen in Moldova, security and peace becomes an important fil rouge, then Macron’s plan for a thematically wide-ranging EPC that withstands the test of time beyond war in Ukraine is up for question. If, instead, each hosting country is essentially able to steer the agenda of the EPC as it sees fit, then the risk is that it will lose political buy-in at the first disagreement – e.g., due to the UK’s insistence to focus on migration in the first semester of 2024. For the EPC to build sustainable momentum, it should be accompanied by a civil society driven forum that may help shape its future.

Belgium

Denmark

Netherlands

Poland

Sweden

UK

Ukraine